With the power of Congress to govern the Senate and House of Representatives elections under the electoral clause and to enforce anti-discrimination laws under the 14th Amendment, the bill would:
Establishment of automatic voter registration with a number of government agencies;
Establishment of same day voter registration;
Allow online voter registration;
Allow 16 and 17 year olds to pre-register so they can be up to date by 18.
Allow state colleges and universities to act as registration agencies.
Prohibition by states from deleting the registration of eligible voters only for infrequent votes;
Establish two-week in-person early voting, including availability on Sundays and outside of normal business hours;
Standardizing state hours for polling stations to open and close on election day, with the exception that cities can set longer hours for municipal races;
Require hand-filled ballot papers or machines to use as official records and have voters review their vote;
Granting funds to states to improve their electoral security infrastructure;
Provision of prepaid postage for postal ballot papers;
Allow voters to vote in person if they so choose.
Allow voters to track their postal votes.
Encourage states to set up impartial redistribution commissions for redistribution in Congress (possibly not until the redistribution round of the 2030s).
Establishing impartial redistribution criteria such as a partisan fairness provision that the courts can enforce immediately, regardless of which institution draws the cards;
End gerrymandering in prison by counting prisoners at their last address (rather than where they are held) to redistribute them.
End the disenfranchisement of offenders on parole, parole or post-conviction and require that these citizens receive registration forms and be informed that their voting rights have been restored.
Providing public funding for home campaigns in the form of small donations at a cost of six to one;
Increase campaign funding disclosure requirements to reduce them Citizens United;
Prohibit companies from issuing for campaign purposes unless the company has a process in place to determine the political will of its shareholders. and
Make it a crime to mislead voters into preventing them from voting.
Ending the Republicans’ Gerrymander ability is paramount now that, following the 2020 election, Republicans were given the power to redistribute two to three times as many Congressional districts as Democrats. If Congressional Democrats fail to act, Republican dominance in redistribution can virtually guarantee that Republicans will retake the house in 2022, even if Democrats win more votes again. This could lead Republicans in Congress to try harder to overturn a Democratic victory in 2024 than the electoral college voted in January, when two-thirds of the House caucus voted to overthrow Biden’s election.
If this bill were to become law, Republicans would lose that absolute power to manipulate the playing field of the House to their advantage. Instead, reform advocates would be given the opportunity to challenge unfair cards for illegal partisan discrimination in court, and the bill would eventually oblige states to set up independent redistribution commissions that would remove the process entirely from self-interested legislators.
Protecting the right to vote is just as important as Republican lawmakers across the country have enacted hundreds of bills introducing new election restrictions by promoting the lies Donald Trump told about the elections that led directly to the January Capitol riot. Given that Republican lawmakers are likely to pass many of these bills – and the Supreme Court’s Conservative Partisans are willing to further undermine existing voting rights – action by Congress is an absolute must to protect the ability of voters to cast their ballots.
The main remaining hurdle, however, is the legislative filibuster: the fate of these reforms will depend on whether Senate Democrats either abolish or restrict them. Progressive activists have restarted a movement to completely eliminate the filibuster, while some experts have suggested that Democrats could work out an exception for voting rights legislation. Either way, the Democrats have to address the filibuster in some way, as the Senate Republicans have made it clear that they will not be providing the support necessary to get a super-majority of 60 votes to get HR 1 into law.